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HISTORY AND Rb:Ci)KL) 



or THE PROCKEDINGS OF 



THE PEOPLE OF LEXINGTON AND ITS VICINITV 



IN itih 7^L'ffRl^."^>lt*.s 0\ 



THE TlilJE AJWEUWliW, 



From the commencement of the movement on the \Uh uf 

August, 1S45, to its Jinal termination on Monday, 

the ISth of the same month. 



VIRDEN, PRINTER, LKXhNGTON: 
18 4 5. 



^, . , — , , y.. — ^ ^■ ^ -,--- - ^, , • . la— -s a.^ 



HISTORY AND [{ECOllD 

Of the proceedings of the People of Lexington and its vicinity 
in the suppression of the "TRUE AMERICAN," from the 
commencement of the movement on the lilh August^ 1845, to 
its final termination on Monday the IS^/t of the same month. 



The 'True American' of the 12th August contained matter, 
as liie iollowing pages will show, well calculated to excite the 
indignation, and to awaken the apprehensions of the people of 
Lexington and its vicinity. The popular proceedings to which 
it Jed, and the event in which it terminated, has already awa- 
kened general attention, and will probably lead to a great deal 
of discussion in every part of the United States. A disposition 
to misrepresent the motives and the conduct of some of the 
earlier movers in the matter, has been manifested by some of 
the presses, even in the city of Lexington. To preserve, in 
a connected form, the published proceedings, as well the pub- 
lications of the Editor of the True American, as ihose of the 
different committees and meetings which acted on the subject, 
and to furnish a faithful history of the origin of this movement, 
and the different steps of its progress, the persons whose nameif 
are appended hereto, have determined to publish the whole m 
pamphlet form. 

After the appearance of the True American of the 12lh, it 
was manifest that the popular indignation in Lexmgton was 
rising to a pitch that threatened an outbreak in some form of 
violence. On the morning of the 14th of August, thefollowmg 
gentlemen met, accidentally, at tlie oflice of Jamef- B. Waller. 
^\'[\o was himself not in Lexington at the time They were, 
I'homas H Waters^ James L. Hickman, Thomas B. Mcgou;a.i, 
Hp.nru Lockiiart, and Tko. F. Marshall. The last number of 
•ihe 'True American,' and the high and dangerous excitement 
Jt was producing, became at once the subject of conversation. 
The apprehension oi partial mobs and disturbances withni the 
city by night, was expressed. The probabilities that jMr Clay's 
person and private dwelling were in danger trom thegrowms: 
sxasperatioii of the people, were discussed. The fear that anv 



■sodden or irregular inoveintnt upon the subject, might assame 
a political conjj)lexion, and produce the most unpleasant, if not 
the most disastrous consequences, was suggested. The ])ro- 
priety ot a pnbhcmeetin<i, to be summoned by a notice, which 
had already been prej)ared by Mr. Hickman, was also consid- 
ered. Mr. Marshall alluded to the great delicacy of his own 
position in relation to the whole question. He deprecated the 
aftair taking a party turn, and suggested the propriety of ma- 
king tjut a list of citizens of both parties, and notifying them 
by private notice, to attend that evening at the Court House 
at "3 o'clock, for the pur}X)se of opening a correspondence with 
Mr Clay upon the subject. The list was made out, and Mr 
Megouan undertook to notif}' the gentlemen- 
la case of a failure to induce Mr Clay to discontinue his pa- 
]>er by an application in writing, it was at the same time agreed 
among these gentlemen, that there should then be proposed a 
general call of the people of the City and County, and several 
days given for the notice. Above all, it was agreed that party 
should be kept entirely out of view. The design was from the 
beginning, to prevent bloodshed and violence if possible; at all 
events, by concentrating the public mind, and the whole peo- 
ple, to prevent partial movements and individual action, which 
under the peculiar circumstances of this case, and the relations 
personal as well as political, of the Editor of the True Ameri- 
can, might have led to so much disaster, and would certainly 
have been subject to so much misrepresentation. 

We have inserted, as part of these proceedings, an article 
s^igned "A Kentuckian." It was written after the adjournment 
of ti>e meeting of the 14th, and was intended to sustain the 
first movement, h was published first in the Kentucky Ga- 
zette of the 16th, but on the same day in handbill form, and cir- 
culated Tiloug with the journal, correspondence, and address of 
the meeting of the 14lh August, and has appeared to us prop- 
erly to form a part of this history. 

The undersigned have had the satisfaction of witnessing 
what they originally desired — a popular movement without 
distinction of party. The call made by a few citizens upon a 
geiierous and manly people, has been heartily and promptly 
responded to; and the whole afl'air. delicate and dangerous as 
it was, has been conducted to its fortunate issue, in safety and 
in honor. The meeting of the Mth was small, there having 
been no general or public notice of it; none indeed was inleu- 
ed. Of the Whigs who had been reiiuested to attend, several 
were present, and the remainder it was understood acquiesced 
in the movement. C. M. Clay came into the room and re- 
mained some lime. Several Whig= arrived after he had gone 



On th>; l.M.li. wIil-i, i '. ,\1 . Clay'i; aiu'wcr was leaJ, and Mi,' 
\V^^te^•.s' aJdress rejioilei!, ilie Court Ifonse wa-; crowded'; and 
never was there sunily such silence and perfect order main- 
tained in so largo a body of men under such circumstances. 
The proceedings were had and the mooting adjourned withoiri 
the slightest murmur. No religious assembly could have niain- 
tained profounder or more decorous silence and attention. 

The following is the Notice prepared by James L. Hickman 
Esq. an I postponed on account of the proposition to make out 
a list of particular citizens and notify them specially: 

NOTICE. 

The citizens of Lexington are requested to meet at the Court 
House this evening at 4 o'clcJck, to take into cons'df^ration the 
propriety of adopting suitable measures to protect the proper- 
ty, and defend the wives and daughters of the citizens of Lex- 
ington against the ''strong arms, Jiery hearU and iron piics''' 
of the so called True American. 



The following is the list made out in James B. Waller's of- 
fice of gentlemen to be requested to attend at 3 o'clock at the 
Court House. Of this list Tho. B, Megownn notified all the 
gentlemen but tsvo: Thomas S. Redd and Parker Craig. I\Ir. 
Craig was absent from the city, and Mr J\fego\van could not 
find Mr. Redd. All the gentlemen approved the proceedure, 
and engaged to attend it if convenient. 

"Invite the following named gentlemen to meet at the Court 
House at 3 o'clock tliis evening, to consult on what course 
would be proper to pursi^e, in relation to the publication in thus 
city of the paper called the -True American.' 

■ Aug. 14, 1845. 
Dr. Be»,W.. Dudley, Parker Craig, D. Mc Payne, 
John VV. Hunt, W. H Richardson, E. K. Sayre, 

D . M. Cratg, John McCaule} , Wm. S. Waller, 

H. T. Duncan, Tho. Bradley, Sam!. R. Bullock, 

H. H. Timberlake, L. C. Randall, J. C. Breckinridge, 
Wm. Wilson, Dr J. C. Cross, Thomas Grant, 

Thomas S. Redd, J.O.Harrison, Maslin Smith, 
Henry Johnson, Ed- McAlister^ Ed. P. Johnson, 

W. K. Higgins, Jas. A. Grinstead, B. A. Hicks, 

The meeting, at least a portion of the gentlemen notified at- 
tended at the hour. Several gentlemen who had promised to 
att^ntl not havintT; arrived, after sunte conversation it was mo- 



ved to adjourn. Mr Hunt, Mr Dudley M. Craig, and others 
of the Whig party coming in liowever, the meeting proceeded 
to business. Tlje following is the journal of their entire pro- 
ceedings: 

TO THE PUBLIC. 

At a meeUng of sundry citizens of Lexington at the Court House 
on Thursday, 14th August, Beverley A. Hicks was called to the chair, 
and the meeting being organizcd,the following resolutions were unan- 
imously adopted, after which the meeting adjourned to meet at 3 
o'clock, P. M. to-morrow 15th. Signed, BEVERLEY A. HICKS,. 

Chairman. 
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to wait upon Cas- 
siusM. Clay, editor of the True American,and request him to discon- 
tinue the publication of the paper called the ''True American" as its 
further continuance, in our judgement, is dangerous to the peace of 
our community, and to the safety of our Jjomesand families, 

2d. That the Committee report to this assembly lo-morrow evening 
at 3 o'clock the result of their application and Mr. Clay's answer 

B. W. DUDLEY, ) 
THOS. H. WATERS,f Com'r 
JOHN W. HUNT. ) 
The meeting assembled pursuant to adjournment, and Thomas H 
Waters one of the Committee of corrcppondence,reported thefollowing 
letter and answer of C. M. Clay. 

Lexington, 14th Aug., 1845. 
Oassius M. Clay, Esq, 

Sir: — We, the undersigned, have been appointed as a committee 
upon the part of a nun)ber of the respectable citizens of the City oi- 
I.exington to correspond with you, under the following resolution. 

Resolved, That a Committee of three be appointed to wait upon 
Cassius M. Clay, Editor of the "True American," and re(juesthini to 
discontinue the publication of the paper called the " True American " 
as its further continuance, in our judgment, is dangerous to the peace 
of our community, and to the safety of our homes and families. 

In pursuance of the above, we hereby request you to discontinue 
your paper, and would seek to impress upon you the importance of 
your acquiescence. Your paper is agitating and exciting our coaj- 
munity to an extent of which you can scarcely be aware. We do not 
approach you in the form of a threat. But we owe it to you to state, 
that, in our judgment, your own safely, as well as the repose and peace 
of the comimmity, are involved in your answer. We await your 
reply, in the hope that your own good sense and regard for the rea- 
sonable wishes of a community in which you have nmny connex- 
ions and friends, will induce you promptly to comply with our request 
We are instructed to report your answer to a meeting, to-morrow eve- 
ning, at three o'clock, and will expect it by two o'clock, P. M., e»f 
to-morrow. Kespertfuliy, ^'^c. 

?,. W, DUDLEY, 
THO. H. WATERS. 
JOHN W. HUNT. 



To wFiich Mr. Oiay made llic folilowiiiii i<fif_\ 

Sins: — I receivrdlliioDgli llie hands of Mr. Tlionias II. Walcr.v. 
»me of your cominittrp, since caiuUc-litflit, your extraordinary Idler 
liiasnuich as two of your rouunilt(M! and uiywH" arc not u|K)n speak- 
ing terms, and when 1 add to tlli^^ llio liict lUat you l«avc taken occa- 
sion to address mv a note ol" tins cliaracter, when I am una bed <»(" 
sickness of nioro than a montlT;* standin;^', from whicli I liave oidy 
ventured at intervals to rido out and to write a few jKuaj^'raplis, wliicli 
caused a relapse,! think that ll>e American |KM)i)le wiSJ [i^^vcv. with mo, 
that your office is a bas-K! and dis-honoraiilc one, nw)r(; itaiiicularly 
wiien they reflect that you liave had more tlian two months whilst 1 
was in health to accomplish the «uHe purpose, — I say in reply to your 
assertion that you area committee apj<<>inted l)y a resj)eclal)l(! jx)rtio)i 
of tiie community, that it cannot he true. Traitors to the law.s and 
Constitution cannot be deemed respectable by any but as.stssins, pi- 
rates and highway robl>crs. Your nxMUing ir, one unknown 1o the 
laws and constitution of my country, it was secret in its proceedings, 
its purposes, its spirit, and its action, like its niode of exi^jtence, are 
wfjoliy unknown to and in direct violation of every known principle 
of honor, religion or government, held sacred by the civilized world 
I treat them with the binning contempt of a brave heart and loyal cit- 
izen. I deny their power and del'y their action. It may be true; that 
those men arc excited as you say, whose interest it is to prey upon llu^ 
excitement and distresses of the country. What tyrant ever failed Icy 
be excited when his unjust power was about to be taken from his 
hands ? But 1 deny, utterly deny, and call for proof,, that there is any 
just ground for this agitation. In every case of violence by tiie blacks 
since the publication of my jiajx^r, it has been proven and will bo again 
proven by my representatives, if my life should fiil ti> be spared, that 
there has been special causes for their action independent of, and 
having no relation whatever to the " True yVmcrican" or its doctrines 
Your advice with regard to my personal safety is worthy of the source 
whence it emanated,and meelswjththe .same contempt from me which 
the purposes of your mission excite. Go tell your secret conclave oi 
cowardly assassins that C. M. Clay knows his rights and how to de- 
fend them. 

Lexington, Aug. 15, 1845. C. M. CLAY 

After the reading of the correspondence, Mr. Waters otTercd the 
following address and resolutions which were unanimously adopted. 

The answer of the "Editor of the True American" to a note di- 
rected to him yesterday by a committee of this body of the cilixens 
of Lexington, acting under a resolution of the same, demands' at our 
hands a deliberate reply. 

The editor in his response to the note of our committee whicbwiil 
appear in our published proceedings, uses the follow ing language ; 

"I say in reply to your assertion that you are a committee ai)pointcd 
by a t-espectable portion of the commimily, that it cannot be true. 



Traitors to llie laws ami coiv«titution caiintjt Li^dr-Rtned respertabh" bv 
any but assassins, pirat«s, and biuhvvay rubbers. \'oiir inoctintr is one 
"iinkiiown to the laws and constitution of my country ; it was secret 
in its proceedings, its purposes, it's spirit and its action, like its rnod^ 
of existence, are wholly unknown to and in direct violation of every 
known principle of honor, religion or government, held sacred by the 
•civilized world. 1 treat them with the contempt of a brave heart and 
a loyal citizen. I deny their power and defy their action. It may be 
true that those men are excited as you say, whose interest it is to 
prey upon the excitement and distresses of the country. What ty- 
rant ever failed to be excited when his unjust power was about to be 
taken from his hands? " Appended to the liandbill, which appeared 
this morning over tiie signature " C. M. Clay*"' there is an appeal 
to " Kentuckians,"' in which this meeting is denounced as a band of 
Tyrants worse than the "Athenian Thirty,'' and closing with the fol- 
lowing significant summons: "Men who regard law — men who re- 
gard their liberties as not to be sacrificed to a ainglc yccuniarif inter- 
est, to say the least, of doubtlul value — lovers of justice' — enemies 
of blood — laborers of fill rZrt.f.vr.?, yon for vhom I hare sacrifceil so 
jnueh, where will you be found when this battle between IJherty and 
Slavery is to be fought?'" 

The meaning and purpose of the man can scafce admit of question. 
For whom is it, that ho has made such sacrifices? For which clas.i 
of laborers in our comnumity, is that particular description intended? 
Had the scheme of Abolition ripened to its final explosion among us, 
were the nonslaveholding laborers of our country prepared to make 
common cause with insurgent Blacks, and to flock to the standard of 
a "desperado," in a war for universal liberty, this proclamation of one 
who seems to be mad, would be, indeed, appalling. As our object, 
however, is not to put forth a counter manifesto, to unfurl the banner 
of civil war, or to advertise for recruits, we proceed calmly to exam- 
ine the circumstances which led to our assembly and proceedings; 
circumstances, which, in our judgmciit, demand the suppression of 
the "True American,'" by the force of public opinion, if possible. 
We do not mean to discuss the question of slavery with the editor of 
the True American, or any one else. With his theory of human 
rights, or his application of the principles of the " Declaration of In- 
dependence "' to the vVfricanrace in America, we will have no discus- 
sion. We know that there is a jiarty in the United States, waxing 
stronger, active, vigilant and utterly fanatical, who maintain that Afri- 
can Slavery should be abolished forthwith ; the Freedmen remaining 
upon the soil, and admitted to all the political rights of Citizens. 
With this party, the editor of the "True American'" is associated ; by 
them he is sustained, and has erected his press in Kentucky, for the 
purpose of urging their principles and eflecting their objects. 
N From the first establishment of the pa{>er, the editor has borne 
himself like a man engaged, and conscientiously engaged in a des- 
perate and unlawful undertaking. Defiance and threats were his 



earliest hemlds. This cotnmuiiily li.ive jiorotofoie Ijuriie wtFi jw- 
ticnce, the continuaiico of thn jmper, i'roni a variely of causes need- 
less to be enumerated. The Tuesday's number, 12tl) Aug., however, 
contained matter so unequivocal, so une,\[>ected, ho audacious, that 
men must have been besotted, or stupiliecj, or paralysed utterly, by 
the basest terrors not to have been roused, to notice the subject with 
decision. The leading article in that days paper, occupies three 
columns and a half, and is devoted to tlic detail of the modus operan- 
di of Abolition. The fundamental proposition of the writer is this, 
m his own language : " Our Legislatures, State and General, should 
raise the platform ujjon which our free colored people stand. They 
should give to them, full political right to hold office ; to vote, to set, 
on juries, to give their testimony, and make no distinction between 
them and ourscKcs." 

This is bad enough, quite bad enough, but isby way of reconmien- 
dation; the instrument upon which the writer relies is moral siiasion, 
directed to the masters. — The editorial, however, of that day, assumes 
another tone. He does not pursuade, but threatens. Discarding the 
mild, but as he thinks, hopeless agency of moral reasoning, he appeals 
directly to physical force, in its most appalling forms. The para- 
graphs to which we refer, and were the direct cause of our proceed- 
mgs, are the most remarkable ever put forth in this community. In 
explanation of our conduct, we quote them at large. The editor, 
after anticipating that in case he should perish, some other philan- 
thropist would arise to fill his place, proceeds: " It is the weakness 
"and disease in the State that has forced us into our present position; 
"and if we should perish, the same causes would raise up many more, 
•^'and abler than we, to vindicate the same cause. We had hoped to 
"see on this continent, the great axiom that man is capable of self 
'''government amply vindicated : we had no objections to the peacea- 
"ble and honorable cxtention of empire, over the whole continent, if 
"equal freedom expanded with the bounds of ns^tion, gladly would we 
"have seen untold millions of freemen, enjoying lil^rty of conscience, 
"resting under their own vine and tig tree with none to make them 
"afraid, standing upon a sacred and inviolate constitution at home, and 
"just towards all nations— such was the vision of the Immortal Wash- 
"ington, and such was ours. But we are told the enunciation of the 
"great and soul stirring principles of revolutionary patriots was a lie — 
"as the dog returns to his vomit, we arc to go back to the foul and cast 
"ojf rags of European tyrany, to hide our nakedness : Slavery, the 
'■'■most unmitigated, the lowest, the basest that the world has seen, is to 
"be substituted forever, for our better, more glorious, holier aspira- 
"tions — the Constitution is torn and trampted under foot ; justice and 
"good faith in a nation are derided ; brute force is substituted in the 
"place of high moral tone : all the great principles of national liberty 
"which we inherited from our British ancestry are yielded up — and 
"we are left without God or hope in the World. When the great 
• "hearted of our land weep, and the man of reflection maddens m the 



8' 

••conlciii])"lation o^t ouv ii.itioii.il njioslaty ; there aic men ijunuiing 
••'gain and itlcasuir, wlio h-riiilc with corifoiiipt and indiflcrencc at 
""tJicir a()()cal.s. Jii/t remember you irho dwell in marble palaecs — 
^^that there are strotifj^ arms and fieri/ hearts, and. iron jukcs in the 
'■'•streets, and inines of glass only between them andihe silocr plate on 
'•'■the board, and ihe smooth shin woman on. the Ottoman. — VVhen 30U 
■* have iKockcd at virtue, denied the agency of'God in the affairs of men, 
"and made rajrinc your lionie<J faillt; treiublc, for the day of letiibu- 
"tion is at liand — and the IlKn^scs wilt be avenged.^' 

There is a miscrrble ellort in C. M. Clay's handbill this morning 
(o explain tlicso h(>rriblc fiassagcs. He says in his commentary upon 
the article, that, ^^ It will be pety^eived by the reader that the whole 
5)iece alludes to national poticy ajid the loss of a high sense of justice 
in the administration of our national aiiliirs- Tliat he means by the 
gnasses the wJaite naiUions who will isi the course of time when that 
^lovcrty the consequence of slavery presses on them follow the exam- 
ple of their plunderers and in turn plunder them. This is the idea, 
•conveyed he says, '• in his eliptical manner.'' It was of slavery the 
most unmitigated, the lowest, the basest, that the editor was writing. 
The passages are clear, distinct, and unambiguous. There is no elip- 
■sis in the case — tliey are protuberant in their hordd fullness. "Trem- 
ble for the day of retribution is at hand !" By what eliptical figure 
•can this lie made to reLitc to the far future ? There was and is but 
one impression in Lexington as to these articles. The excitement 
was great and natural. That an ally of the Northern abolitionists 
should claim the bcueiit of the press, and the full protection of laws, 
whose validity in one of the most important of our social relations he 
absolute?^ denies, that he should claim for himself the right to excite 
to sedition, by inflamatory ptibiications, addressed to all the passions 
of our sEavcs, and to arm as though it were an arsenal the den from 
whence he fulminates his infernal bulletins against the settled institu- 
tions of the country, and the safety and the peace of our wives and 
daughters, and at the same time deny to us the right of meeting in 
peaceful and mnarnicd council to deliberate of the best mode of 
preventing frightfuJ andthreateued outrage, is of apiece with the tcri- 
ble iaiijaticism of the sect to whi<^h the editor belongs. We assem- 
bled to endeavor, in advance of tliat just popular resentment which 
awaits tkc reckless inccndiarv, whicli docs not always, and sometimes 
cannot pause, for the slow effort of laws, to endeavor by mildness and 
icmonstraiice, (o turn him from his purpose, and consequently avert 
the storm of public indignation which he seeks to raise. We have 
made the cftbrt, and encountered his denunciation. Mercy to our 
.-laves, a regard for the public peace, self rcbpcct, and respect for tlie 
character of the eomniunity forbids us to be beaten back, by the out- 
rage and abuse heaped upon us by one desperate man. 

We assume not to decide for a society who have with us a commoii 
interest, — but as a portion of that community, recommend a general 
tnectingof the people of the citv of Lexington and county of F.^y. 



cHc to be hcW on Monday nrxt, Atig. IStli, to conuut mtasuics for* 
the suppression of the Ikitlicr publicalion ol' the " Abohtion paper '^ 
called the True AiHcrican. Be it therefore 

Resolved, That a notice be published for a general meeting of the 
people of this city and county to be held on Mondiiy 11 oVlock, a.ui 
at the Court-Housc, to take into consideration the most ellectual steps, 
to secure our interests from the cllorts of Abolition Fanatics and in- 
cendiaries. 

Mr. Henry Johnson oflcrcd the resolution to print, whicli vrds 
adopted. 

Resolved, That 1000 copies in handbill form of the J'ouriial'of 
proceedings of this meeting, along with their address be published' 
ior circulation, and that a committee of three be appointed to superin- 
tend the publication. 

Mr. H. Johnson then moved an adjournment ; wliich was carried' 
unanimously, and the meeting adjourned, 

BEVERLY A. HICKS, Chairman 

On the- morning of the 15th, Mr C. M. Clay threw heiom 
the public his correspondence in the following, handbill: 

TRUE AMERICAN— EXTRA— Aug. I'5, 1845. 

To a Just People. — I deem it due to myself and the cause oft 
the people, the constitutional liberty of my State, that i make 
a few explanations before the enemies of all these proceed to 
extremity, that they may be left^ without, excuse in the estima- 
tion of air just men. I learned a feW' moments before 3 o'clock, 
that a public meeting was to be holden at that hour in the Court 
House, to take tneasures for the suppression of the publication 
of the True American. Immediately, unwell as I was, I pro- 
ceeded to the Court House, to vindicate, as Ish.'ill ever be re^^i- 
dy to do, the principles and policy maintained in that paper. 
1 found about twenty individuals, including some two or three 
per.^onal friends who followed me in. I knew them all to be 
political, and three-fourths of them violent personal enemies. 
I saw but one so-called-Whig, and he has y)een ever since the 
publication of the paper, one of the most violent opponents. 
1 will give the names of these men, hereafter, to the public. 
Two speakers proposed to dissolve the meeting, and Captain 
Henry Johnson, a cotton planter, declared that although he 
was ever ready to act boldly upon this subject, he would not 
then, nor hereafter, take any action in regard to the True 
American, unless the Whig parly also came up and incurred 
the same responsibility. Thomas F. Marshall said that he 
had regarded it aaa public not a private meeting, and that he 
onceived that the public diss4tiofaction and excitement, we.e 



1^ 

'ba.ted upon the edi'torial ytublished by me in the last '-Amen-, 
can," where I spoke of the consequences of the disregard of 
the principles of justice by the leading men of the Nation; and 
Another person remarked that dissatisfac^tion was also founded 
upon the opinion set forth in the leader in the last paper. 
Here several persons contended that it was a private meeting, 
upon which I started to leave the house, explaining to Mr. 
Marshall, in passing, that a construction had been put upon 
my article nbicfh it never entered mv head to convey, as 
any sensibleman who will read the piece, will see, who knows 
the cncumstanoes in which I am placed, having regard to com- 
mon sense, the effectuation of my own purposes, or the safety 
of myself and relatives, that 1 could never intend to give it. It 
will be perceived by the reader of that article, that the whole 
piece alludes to National policy, and the loss of a high sense of 
justice in the administralTon of out National affairs, resulting 
irom the influence of negro slavery «|)on the national action, 
even to th« habitual violation of tJie Constit-utron; and further 
meant to convey the idea, in my e'liiptioal manner, that in a 
country like ours, where siuffrage is universal, and standing ar- 
mies imipossible, that those men who are drawing substance 
and power from the existence and extension of Slavery, at the 
expense of the interests of the great masses of the legal voters 
of this Union, who are n*w and have been sacrificed at the 
shrine of Slavery ; that these men, the White millions (having 
no allusion whatever to the Blacks of the Sotith) would in tha 
course of time, when that poverty pressed upon them which 
Slavery had been the most instrumental in causing, follow the 
example of their plunderers, and in turn plunder them- Such 
was the case in "France when the oppressed rose upon the Op-j 
pressor, and spared neither property, life, nor sex." 

As to the Black-;, we have ever held in our printed aigu* 
ments, and in our secret opinion, that the Slaves, whilst the 
Union lasts, are utterly impotent for any very extensive mis-, 
chief, even in the Cotton countries, and i regard the idea of in- 
-iurrection in Kentucky, where there are about six Whites to 
one Black, as ridiculous, and only used by the Slaveholders as a 
Buy-a-boo, (o maintain the ascendancy of their power in the 
Si^te; and even if an insurrectien should take place, I feel my- 
self as much bound, as any citizen in the state, to shoulder my 
niubket to suppress it, and in the discharge of my duty I am 
!iot willing to admit that any person is more ready. With 
legard to the leader of the same paper, I said in the beginning 
that 1 intended to allow full freedom of discussion upon the 



M 

?HJ.|ecr 1.1 Slavery, and I said lor several week-, at llic head ol 
loy cditoiial columns, under mv own signature, that 1 inteud- 
'-(I i<)' allow under the edi^torial head also, great latitude ol 
opinion, without comment. DitVering as 1 did ui some impor- 
tant point? iVom the writer of this article, who I repeat is a 
large Slaveholder, I intended to give my individual vit.wson 
the same subject^ in my very next number, which when given 
will put my enemies under the necessity ot'idenouncing, when 
they denounce me, the immortal Washington, a name sacred 
to the lovers of liberty of all time and place. I had not expect- 
ed in the abundance of my charity, that the most fallen men 
would have taken advantage of my helpless condition, arising 
tVom a long and painful illness, to sacrifice me: when even in 
health, I stood almoslone man against a thousand. I tell these 
men, however, that Ihey much mistake their man, and that if 
ihey do succeed in accomplishing their pur{toses, and seal 
their triumph with my blood, that their banners of victor\ 
<5hall wave over a violated Constitution, the grave of Liberty, 
and the impious defiance oli the Laws of CJod, and the moral 
sense of all mankinds If I stood in defence only of mv own 
right, I might be deterred from the unequal contest; but when 
I stand for the six hundred' thousand free white citizens of mv 
native state, allegiance to which, and her interests, concen- 
tred by all republican principles in the majority of lior peo 
pie, I cannot lay down my arms. To my children, and Iriends 
wherever found, if I know myself, it shall, never be said, at 
least of one citizen of Kentucky, that he preferred life, to hon- 
or and duty to his country. 

C. M. CLAY. 
Thursday, August Mth, 1845. 

Since writi.ig the above handbill, I have-received the ibllow- 
mg letter from the hands of Tho. H. Waters, on my sick bed, 

at my own house: 

LaxiNGTON, 14th Aug., W45. 
Cassius M. Clav, Esq. 

Sir: — We, the undersigned, have been appointed as a comniitte±* 
upon the part of a nunjber of the respectable citizens of the City ol 
Lexington to correspond wkh you, under the following rcpohition. 

Resolved, That a Committee of three be appoiated to wait upon 
Cassius M.Clay, Editor of the "True American," and request hiin to 
discontinue the pubhcation of the paper called the " True American " 
as its further continuance, in our judgment, is dangerous to the peace 
of our community, and to the safety of our homes and families. 

In pursuance of the above, we hereby request you to di.scontinue 
your paper, and won Id seek to impress upon you the iuiportance oi 



V2 

your arqiiiescence. Your iiaper is agitating and exciting our edm- 
,n»unity to an extent ol which you can scarcely be aware. We do not 
approach you in tlie Jbrin of a throat. Eat we owe it to you to Btatg, 
:hat,in our judgment, your own safety, as well as the repose and peace 
uf the conununity, are involved in your answer. We await your 
reply, in the hope that your own good eenseand regard for the rea- 
sonable wishes ol' a community in which you have many eonnex- 
ions and friends, will induce you promptly to comply with our request. 
We are instructed to report your answer to a meeting, to-morrow eve- 
ning, at three o'clock, and will expect it by two o'clock, Y. M., of 
to-morrow. Respe<'tfully, &c. 

B. W, DUDLEY, 
THO. 11. WATERS. 
JOHN W. HUNT. 

To Avhich I made t!ie following refily, which will be deliver- 
ed to-day, at (the hour o[)pointed : 

Sirs: — I received through the hands of Mr. Thomas IL Waters, 
«iie of your committee, since candle-light, your extraordinary letter.. 
Inasmuch as two of your committee and myself are not upon speak- 
ing terms, and when I add lo this die fact that you have taken occa- 
sion to address me a note of this character, when I am on a bed of 
sickness of more than a month's standing, from which I have only 
veijtured at intervals to ride out and to write a few paragraphs, which 
caused a relapse, I think that the American people will agree with me, 
that your office is a base and dishonorable one, more particularly 
when they reflect that you have had more than two months wliilst f 
vras iji health to accomplish the same purpose. — I eay in reply to your 
as.sertion that you are a committee appointed by a respectable portion 
of the community, that it cannot he true. Traitors to the laws and 
Constitution cannot be deemed respectable by any but assassins, pi- 
rates a»d highway robbers. Your meeting is one unknown to the 
laws and constitution of my country; it was secret in its proceedings; 
its purposes, its spirit, and its action, like its mode of existence, are 
wholly unknown to and in direct violation of every known principle 
of honor, religiou or government, held sacred by the civilized world. 
1 treat them with the burning Contempt of a brave heart and loyal cit- 
izen. I deny their power and defy their action. It may be true that 
those men arc excited as you say, whose interest it is to prey upon the 
excitement and distresses of the country. What tyrant ever failed to 
be excited when his unjust power was about to be taken from his 
hands ? But I deny, utterly deny, and call foi proof, that there is any 
just ground for this agitation. In every case of violence by the blacks 
,§ince the publication of my paper, it has been proven and will be again 
proven by my representatives, if njy hfe should fail to be spared, that 
tlieie has been special causes for their action independent of, and 
having ne relation whatever to the " True American" or its doctrines. 
Your advice with regard to my per.sonal safety is worthy of the source 
whe.n.e.t it eraaijated,and meets with the same contempt from me which 



'(he puiposcs of youi mission oxritc (.'o t<ll your sfriot roiw.lave ol 
^-owanlly aRsaFsifis (hat r. M Chy kiiuw-Miis tights ami how totle- 
fend them. 

Lexington, Aug. 1.% ISlf). C. M. CLAY 

KENTUCKIANS: 

You see this aHcmpt of lliese tyi;inls, worse 
than the thij-/ij desjiots who lorded it ovei the once tree Athens, 
now to enslave you. Men who regard law — men who regard 
all their liberties as not to be sacrificed to a single pecuniary 
interest, lo say the least, of doubtful value — lovers of justice 
— enemies of blood — laborers of all classes— ^you for whom I 
have sacrificed so much, where will you l)e found when the 
'battle betwcn Liberty and Slavery is to be fought? I caimot, 
1 will not, I dare not (piestion on wh'ch side you will be lound. 
If you stand by me like men, our country shall yet be free, but 
if you falternovv, I perish with less regret when I remember 
that the people of my native State, of whom I have been so 
proud, and whom I have loved so much, arc already slaves. 

C. M. CLAY. 
Lexington, August 15, 1S45. 

The following is the notice put forth under the resolution of 
the 15th August: 

PUBLIC MEETING. 
A meeting of the citizens of Fayette and the adjoining 
cpunties, is requested at the Court House in Lexington, at 11 
6'clock, A. M. on Monday, August IS, to take into considera- 
tion the most effectual measures to secure our interests from 
the efforts of Abolition Fanatics and Incendiaries. 

By order of the Meeting, HENRY JOHNSON, 

THO. H. WATERS, 
DUDLEY M. CRAIG, 
Aug. 15, 1845. Committee 

The Handbill signed "A Kentuckian," published first in the 
*Gazetteof the l6th August: 

THE TRUE AMERICAN. 

The establishment of this paper, taken in connexion with the 
previou&ly published opinions of the editor, excited a strong sensa- 
tion in the midst of the cc.mmunity. Mr. C. M. Clay had ex- 
pressed himself very clearly in certain letters over his own sif,'na- 
lure, addressed to the New York Tribune, during the year 1844, 
•detailing his plan for the ultimate enumcipation of the Negro race 
in America. His cheme was comprehensive, and extended beyond 



14 

tlio limit." nf lii-T own Stato. It was to Lr> l)f>[j^iin in Ki>nlucky hy 
n change in the Const itiuioii of tlip Slate, iind aulliorisini^ the 
Lpgislature to pass laws of prospective emancipaiion. From this 
policy he anticipate!} the sale and exportation ot the larger portion 
of the race. From the e.xchision of Texas from the Union, and 
the abolition of slavery there under English medifiiion and influ- 
ence, he anticipated the crowding of the African race in the South 
ern planting States in such numbers, as taken in coniyexiun with tlje 
diminished value of their labor, would eithe? drive the masters to 
abolition from interest, and incapacity longer to maintain su( h' 
mnsses of unproductive slaves, or would enable the slaves them- 
selves, by the physical force of superior numbers, to effect their 
own liberation by arins. These opinions, while theoretical, and 
published in the Nortliern [)apers, did not excite very general at- 
tention here, and were not probably even generally road. 

Upon the establishment of bis press in LexSngfon, many well 
meaning persons expected nothing more than a temperate discus- 
sion of the subject of slavery, intended to prepare and to lead the 
public mind to the consideration of some fi^asible plan of «}iminish 
iiig, checking, or rmally getting rid, in safety, of an institution, 
admitted by many reasonable men, to be a pdnical evrl. The 
gasconading style in which Mr. Clay commenced his editorial ca- 
reer; his allusions to his bowie-knife, and his past deeds of daring, 
were regarded by some, as additional evidence of the constitutional 
bad taste and coarseness of mind for which the editor is distirrguislh- 
ed; by others, as a politic contrivance to intrm-idate the lower or- 
der of bullies, who might otherwise have fell rncliined to sefze thf 
occasion of the establishment of an 'abolition paper' in Lexiwg- 
ton, to assail the person, or attack the office of the redouted edi'foi', 
Tliat even Cassius M. Clay should have calculated, by the terror of 
his single arm, to overawe a community like that of Lexington and 
its vicinity, into patient and continued suhnTtssJon to the promulga- 
tion, in the heart of a slave district, of sentiments and declarations 
amotmting to invitations to armed sedition, to robbery, rape, confla- 
gration, and all the horrors o{ servile war, is incredible. The 
proud patience with which this community has heretofore borne 
this man's outrages, without protest or argument, or violence, or 
threat, is evidence at once of the magnanimous temper of a people 
who abhor mobs, and of that conscious strength which scorns to stir 
or chafe under mere insolence. The editor, however, seems resolv- 
ed to reach their sensibilities, and the 'True American* of the 12th 
inst., would seem to demand from a prudence heretofore courage- 
ous, first a stern rebuke, and then whatever else the public peace 
and safety may require. 



15 

The leading article oi (he number rclfircfl lo, eaifl to be from 
'the pert of a slaveholder, and on«; of the first inleliocts of the age. 
IS mere twaddle, and worthy of no attention, save from its inane 
absurdities, silly contradictions and pulinj^- verbosity. The edito- 
rial is masculine and to the point. Mr. Clay there treats slavery, 
under our mtinicipal laws, as a violation of the fundatncntiil prMi- 
ciples of the Union, the rights asserted universally for all mm un- 
der the declaration of independence, and winds up with the follow 
ing piihy sentiments: 

"Slavery, tlie most unmitigutcd, the lowest, baFitst 'hat tlic world has ever 
seen, is to be substituted forever for our better, more gloriotis, holier aspira- 
tions. The Cotjstitution is torn and trampled under toot ; justice and good 
faith in a nation a.re derided; brute force is substituted in the place of high 
moral tone: all the great principles of national liberty which we inherited 
from our British ancestrj are yielded up, and we are left without God or 
hope in the world. When the great-hearted of our land weep, and the man 
of reflection maddens in the contemplation of our national apostacy, there 
-dre men pursuing gain and pleasure, who smile with contempt and indiffer- 
ence at their appeale. But, remember, you who dwell in marble palaces, 
that there are strong nrms and Jiery hearts and iron piket in the ttrccti, andponei 
of glass only between them and the silver plate on tht board, and the snwoth-sktn- 
ned woman on the ottoman. When you have mocked at virtue, denied the 
agency of God in the affairs of men, and made rapine your honied faith, 
tremble, for the day of retribution is at hand, and the maesa will be aven- 
ged." 

What masses? To wliom and to what does the editor refer? 
and where is he writing? Her^e-is an appeal worthy of rcmem- 
berance. Our slaves are regarded as a portion of the people, de- 
prived of their constitutional privileges, oppressed against law, and 
ground into servitude by haughty nobles, living in 'marble palaces.' 
The editor assumes the port of a patriot summoning an oppressed 
people to the recovery of their birth-right, and a terrible vindica- 
tion of their wrongs. "Strong arms, fiery hearts, and iron pikes T 
There is point in this! Here is muscle, energy, determination! 
Slaveholders, who "live by rapine, tremble; the day of retribu- 
tion is at hand." "The smooth-skinned woman on the ottoman, 
with nought between her and violation but a pane of glass!" 
These are images certainly to be held up by way of stimulus to 
our household slaves. God of peace, and mercy, and modesty, 
that a Kentuckiauj and a gentleman, wearing a name of which he 
IS wont lo boast, reputably connected, and honorably born, should 
have lent himself to excite and to vindicate — to rouse and to jus- 
tify an insurrection of negroes, with " Beauty and Booty " lor 
the watchword. 

Mr. Clay aims to spur this community to indignation, does he? 
Has he ever seen an old saw which aays, "bowaro the fury of a 
patient man." Knows he not that tfic terrible images upon which 
he feasts hib abolition fancy, are not to be named in a Eooety of 



16 

brave men and hcautilnl woidcii? Where be Jhcsc iron pikes 

who is to lead to vengeauce and lo the feast of blood and lust, ihcse 
strong armed, fiery hearted sons of Africa ? Does Mr. Clay write for 
rhetorieal eflecl ? Is he aware of his position and his argumant ? h 
he mad ? 'J'he abolition party are strong lo the North. Their plan 
isdespcrate. We know him to be conneeted with them.. We know 
they have njeans, with which they will sustain him. For what does 
be take (he men among whom he was born, that he thus beards and de- 
fies them, threatens violation to their women, and plunder and confla. 
gration to iheir dwellings, and argues in justification of all the horrors 
he predicts, and excites by predicting? 

We again invite the attention of the public lo a close and critical 
examination of the article, the fiendish temper with which it is written, 
and its inevitable tendency. "The day of retribution is at hand." 
Ha! We are in immediate danger, then? "Strong arms, and fiery 
hearts, and iron pikes. The negro is taught his strength, 'The mass, 
es will be avenged: The constitution is torn and trampled under foot: 
justice aiiid good faith in a nation are derided, brute force is substituted,' 
&c. "AH the great principles of national liberty we inherited are 
yielded up:" Here is the eummons of a patriot leader: here a justifi- 
cation, ardent and ample, for the last extreme of popular vengeance. 

We again ask, Is Mr. Clay mad? Does he bear a charmed life? 
What though he bean emancipationist, knows he not that abolition 
here and now is impossible? Knows he not that in this City and Coun- 
ty there arc thousands of negro slaves embodied in factories and upon, 
farms: that many of them can read: that from the mildness and hu- 
manity of their masters they have more leisure, perhaps, than any class 
of laborers in the world? Seeks he to thtow a firebrand among them: to 
sovv fear and distrust upon one side, and fiery hate upon the other? To 
extirpate humanity by destroying the principle of obedience. To teach 
the hereditary bondsman that he is in trutii constitutionally and legally 
a freeborn citizen, entitled to all the fruits of the American revolution? 
Knows he not lliat oil the terrors of the law have not been suflicient to 
protect, in all instances, female modesty from the fierce and brutal lust 
that scorches in the African's veins? Does he, Cassius M. C!ay, paint 
the beauty of his countrywomen, his townswomcn, first to inflame, and 
then teach the facility of enjoyment? 

Quosque taiidciu Caiilina,'' 

Longer patience in this community were a crime, and a temptation to 
threatened violence. Mr Clay is a fanatic and an incendiary. We 
were equally so, and would deserve the horrors he threatens, did we not 
take immediate steps to arrest the further publication of this infernal in- 
olrument. 

We understand that a porlioiiof the citi/ens have already taken step:- 
lo request Mr Clay to suspend his paper. Should he refuse, there will 
be a general call of the people, and something efficient resolved upon 
The blutlering about bowie knives and Russell's Cave, and bloodkb& 



17 

tffiels, will' scarcely seiVft his turn! Tliat a mart should have undcriaknV 
to bully a whole community, while ho preaches rape, robbory and con- 
flagration, to menials who wait in our chambers, watch our slumbcr.i 
and cook our food, is evidence possibly of insanity. But the madman 
must be chained. A KENTUGKIAN. 



The following arc Mr Clay's llanilbills, in order: 

To the citizens of Fayette county and the City of Lexington. 

As my opponfcnts, nbiwilhsta'nding mV sickness, will not wait to 
hear my plan of cm^ncjputi'on, and stcnV determined' to precijiitaltt 
uieasurcs to c.Vt'rtiniity, without givirtvr nic a hcarirt^, and as tllfcy 
insist upoii branding mtJ as an ''abolilibnist,'' a namb full of utt- 
known and strange terrors and crimes, tb llic mass of bUr {People,- 
1 will irtake a brief statement of rtiy plait' ot emancipation'. Al- 
ihou'rh I regard slavery as opposed to natural right, I (^dnsidcr law 
and its inviolate obscrvaricc, iti all cases, wkatccer^ ds the only 
safeguard of my own Liberty' and the Liberty Of others. I tlicrcfbre 
have not,- and will not give my sanction to any mode of freeing 
tlie slaves, which docs nnt conform stfibtly to the LaWs and Con- 
stitution' of my State, And as 1 any satisfibd that thbrc is nb'pow. 
er, nilHer the present Constitution, by which slavery can' be 
reached, 1 go for a Convention. In' a Convention; w'hich is politi- 
cally Omnipotent, I would say that every female sla^/c, boni aft'cr 
a certain' day and year, should be fi'cc at the age of twcntV-orie- 
This, in the course of time, v^ould gnrtlually, and'at lasfV make 
our State tVuly Free, I would further say, tliaf, after the expi- 
ration of thirty year's, mbre or less, tht: State shbtild provide a 
fund, either tVoril her own resources, from her portion in the Pub- 
lic Lands, for the purchase ot the cxistltig generation of slaves. 
in order that tliC while laboring portion' oi' our cijUihiiinitV riiiglitl 
be as soon as possible freed iVom llie ruiiinu!^ Competition of slave 
labor. The funds should be applied after this iniiniicr, commis- 
sioners shall be appointed in' each county, wht) shall oir oath value 
all slaves that shall brt voluntarily presented to thenf for that' 
purpose. To the owners of these slaves shall be issued, by the 
proper authorities, scrip bearing interest at tlife rote of si'x per 
rent., to the amount of liic value of their slaves, and to (he re- 
demption of said scrip this fund shaH be api)lie(i, principal and 
nUercst. Bv this plan tiio present habits of our people wotild not 
be suddenly broken in npoii, whil:-t, af the saiuc time, we believe 
that it .vould bring slavery (o aliDObt utter extinction in our Slate 
vifhiii the next thirty vcnK- 
Widi regard to the tree bhick;-, I "-ould •>■!♦ gr. ioi f)r''iM'; ex 

3 



is 

■pulsion, bull Would encourage by all llic pecuniary resources ihdi 
the Stale bail to spare, a voluntary emigration to such countries 
and climates as nature seems particularly to have designed then). 

With regard to the political equality of the blacks with the 
Avhitcs, I should oppose in Convention thdir admission lo the right 
of sullrage. As minors, women, foreigners, denizens and divers 
other classes of individuals are, in all well regulated gove'rn- 
ments, forbidden the elective franchise, so I see no good reason 
why the blacks, until they become able to exercise the right to 
vote with proper discretion, should be admitted to the right of 
ouH'rage. 'Sufficient 'for the day is the evil thereof.' The tiine 
might cotfcc with succecdmg generations when there would be no 
objection on the part of the whites, and tione on the accdunt of 
dis(iualifica!lion of the blacks to their •being admitted to the same 
political platform; but let after generations act for themselves. 
The idea of amalgartiution and social equality resulting from 
emancipation is proven by experience to be untrue and absurd. 
It may be said by some, what right would a Convention have to 
liberate the unborn? They who ask equity, the lawyers say, 
themselves must do equity, and whilst the slaveholders have rights, 
they must iemember the blacks also have rights; afid surely in 
the compromise which we have proposed between th6 slave and 
the slaveholder, the slaveholder has the Lion's share. 

We have thus, in a very rambling and feeble, itnsatisfactory 
'manner, given something of a^ outline of the plan which we had 
intended to present. U may be that my paper has not been Con- 
ducted in the most pacific manner, but is there not cause for mu- 
'tiaal reproach between myself and the public in which! am placed? 
And those who now most denouiice me, should remember that my 
paper was denounced even in advance, in the full avowal of all 
the incendiary purposes which my enemies now affect to impute 
to me. I am willing to take warning from friends or enemies for 
(he future conduct of my paper, and while I am ready to restrict 
myself in the latitude of discussion of the question, I never will 
voluntarily abandon a right or yield a principle* 

C. M. CLAY. 

August IG, 1845. 

TO THE PUBLIC. 

Si.ncG writing tny last handbill concerning a Convention, I 
huve seen the handbill put out by Henry Johnson, Thomas H. 
Waters, and Dudley M. Craig, Comnnittee, Beverly A. Hicks, 
Chairman. I thank God, that in his mercy, J am not )rot 
•'MAD," altbougli these men, the public will perceive, since 
they know the t^tate of my health, have done all in their pow- 



19 

HV possiltic, to destroy not only my reason but my life, ioj i; 
hn\e li;i(l llie Typhoid Fever for lliirty-llireo days, duiinir 
wliiili lime, almost incessantly, my brain has been atl'ected. lit 
will be perceived that they do not characterize llieir meetint'; 
as a private caucus, \vl)ich all l^exington know it was. And 
1 now thank God that a lifetime's regard for, my word, will 
enable nie, I feel confident, whilst I am lying on my back un- 
able to hold a pen, and dictating all these handl)dls which I 
have put forth, unable to procure authority and testimony to 
sustain it, to use with power and truth of evidence, my bare 
assertion against a thousand calumniators. When 1 appeal to 
Laborers for help, in my handbill, and I say I meant white 
laborers and no others, all who know^ me will believe what I 
say. And all wlio do not know me, when they remember that 
every blood relation I have in the world that 1 know of, and 
every connection, are slaveholders, and that, with all these, 
with few exceptions, I am upon terms of the most harmoni 
ous and friendly feeling and association, altliough we ditfei 
about this thing of slavery, they will also know that I speak 
the Truth. Yes, I say it, the publishers of this handbill believe 
it and know it. If these men have had a six-])ounder cannon 
and some 60 or one hundred balls, as we are credibly informed, 
ready to batter down my office, before the publication of this 
editorial of which they complain, it is proven to every honest 
man that they are now playing upon me the story of the "woli 
and the lamb." Whether they *^are putting forth a counter 
manifesto or advertising for recsuits," not only from our own 
city and county, but from adjoining counties, let the public 
judge. They say that I am "associated" with the Abolition- 
ists of the North. The gentlemen either mean political asso- 
ciation or nothing, for personal association at this distance is 
imposiblei I utterly deny that I have any political association 
with them, other than that the opinions of all political parties. 
whatever, meet and mingle upon some common grounds. In, 
my Prospectus, which was published for months in tiiis oity, I 
said that I should form alliance with no political parly, but act 
as a "State party," so that then, once more, if 1 speak truth, 
these men do not. In the ''True American," July ^9th, in my 
letter to the Cincinnati Anti-Slavery Ccmvent'on,! (lecline : 
to be present, and in the same letter I used the following lah 
guage: "I abide the destiny of that party in which 1 have 
grown to manhood, until some other, numbering more iriends 
of Liberty, than we, shall give indication of a more speedy 
success, I claim to be a Wjjk.'. because I ^tand upon the^^ame 



20 

ground or the rllustrious derlaratois ot '70." Now my conTl- 
irymen, is not here most triumphant rotutation of these assas- 
sin calumnies of these men 1 For if I have said to the Aboh 
tionists themselves, that I am a WIuct, whilst they were sup- 
porting me as one of their jiarty, liow could I hope to be esti- 
mated by them in any other light than as a base and false po- 
litical adventurer. That I have many subscribers among them, 
is true, bat to say that I am ' sustainei)" by then), in the sense 
here meant, is false. I believe tliat they do not compose more 
than one fourth part of my subscribers in the Northern States, 
and I Avould far rather have their support, than that of such 
men as oni3 of this Committee, wlio comes blubbering like a 
great fat baby into secret caucus, calling himself my "friend," 
whilst at the same time, as soon as my back is turned, he stabs 
mc to the vitals. Ah! Dudley, pious Dudley, tear-shedding 
Dudley, write against me as yoii have in this handbill, with 
the view of avowedly violating the Constitution of your coun- 
try, which you are bound to support, and you will prove your- 
self more my friend than by shouldering your musket to shed 
mv blood. Now my countrymen ! when you remember that 
such far-seeing and clear-headed statesmen as are appended to 
this handbill, and who have undertaken to become the guardi- 
ans of the honor and interests of this State, must have seen 
these written declarations of mine, they must wilfully misre- 
present me on this occasion. If defiance and threats were my 
earliest heralds, they came, if report be true, from one of this 
committee. They ^Aere the same Ijeralds of ^defiance and threats' 
Avhich now once more come from them, and if Lexington be 
true to the glorious name she bears, and \\ Fayette be true to 
the glorious pame she bears, they will meet with the same 
fate-— a dishonored grave of undisturbed centuries, I am sat- 
isfied to trust my explanation of my editerial of the last paper, 
to the people whom I address, but one more suggestion in addi- 
tion to those which I hawe already made, that if they torture 
my meaning from the general context, which none but clear- 
headed men as these Avill do, that upon mce verbal and gram- 
matical criticism and literal interpretation, I could not have 
meant the Blacks, for in the whole South, there are five mill- 
ions of Whiles to thrpe of Blacks, not in Kentucky for there 
are six Whites to one Black ; so then if a class is to be taken, 
and choice is to be made between the Whites and Blacks, 
even then the Whitps are the "masses." No, these men 
cannot, they do not, believe what they say. They say that 
I deny the validity of the laws in one of the most impor- 
tant social relations:" this is absolutelv false. Turn to \\w. 



21 

number of \li(? Anierirnn in which Thomns Mrtc-illc's Icttoi 
was pulilishcd, and stianirc to sny they will there tind an 
Tjrticle horn my pen where I maintain with all the power 
x)i intellect of which I am capable, against the Albany Pa- 
triot, one of those Abolitionists with whom these men say 
I am allied, the proposition in relation to Slavery that "that 
is property whicli the law make*; pioperty." It is one thing 
to admit the legality of a thing and another thing to deny i.s 
Justice. Oil ! Hcnrv, Oh! Tiiomas, Oh ! Dudley, Oh ! liever- 
ley, surely ye are "Daniels come to judgment !" To say that 
^^Ue^ard for the jmhlic jjeace'^ induces Henry and Tlmmas 
and Dudley and Beverley to shoulder their muskets and 
drag one poor, little editor out of his "den" wlien ihey 
knew that he co'iid neither pull a trigger nor wield a pen, 
and shed his blood, thus violating not only the express lan- 
guage of the Constitution, but every principle of right, re- 
ligion and justice, is about as logical as it is magnanimous 
or likely to be carried into execution. 

But if I am mistaken, and an outrage is to be perpetrat- 
ed which wili stain, with eternal dishonor, Fayette's here- 
tofore proud and fair escutcheon, 1 pray you people of Lex- 
ington and Fayette, get some men of more truth, of more 
sense, of more eloquence than these men possess, to give 
you an excuse to say that yon were driven from your pro- 
priety to tlie perpetration of this deed by the power of ge- 
nius, which can at tines obscure the clearest intellects ami 
madden the noblest hearts into crime. 

C. M. CLAY. 

August, 18th, 1845. 

At a meeting of the citizens of Lexington, Fayette and 
the adjacent counties held at the court House yard on the 
18th August, 1845. 

Waller Bullock, Esq., was appointed Chairman and 
Benj. Gratz, Secretary. 

The following communication from C. M. Clay, Esq , was 
read to the meeting : 

Lexington, August ISlli, 1845. 
The Chairman of tiie Puhlic Meeting assembled to-day, to ill phase 
lay before it the following communication : 

Fellow-citizens of Lexington, and County of Fayette, — 
Being unable hom the state of my health, to be present at your meet- 
ing, and even unable to hold a pen, having been sick lluily-fiye days 
with the Typhoid fever, 1 dictate to an amanuensis, a fevv lines for 
•your just cansideralion. Having been the unwiUing cause, in part, of 



22 

tlie present excitement in my county, and feeling, as I do, respect foi- 
ihe safety and happiness of others as weJl as my own, 1 voluntarily 
come forward and do all I conscientiously can do for your quiet and 
satisfaction. I treated the communication from the private caucus 
with burning contempt, arising not only from her assuming over me a 
power wiiich would make me a slave, but from a sense of ihe 
deep personal indignity with which their unheard of assumptions were 
attempted to be carried into execution. But to you — a far differently 
organi/^ed body and a constitutional assemblage of citizens — I feel that 
it is just and proper that I should answer at your bar; and as 1 am 
not in a state of lioolth to carry on an argument or vindicate properly 
my own rights, I shall, voluntarily, before any action is taken on 
your part, make such explanation as I deem just and proper. 

During my sickness, my paper has been conducted by some friends. 
The leading article in the last number, which I am told is the great 
cause of the public disquietude, 1 have never read, because at the time 
it was put to press I could not have undergone the fatigue of reading 
such a paper through. Although it was read over to me at the time, 
yet I am fully persuaded now, that had I have been in health it would 
not have been achnitted into my columns. But 1 felt the less hesitan- 
cy in admitting it, because it has been my avowed policy heretofore 
to admit free discussion upon the subject of slavery, by slaveholders 
themselves, and the author of this article is largely interested in that kind 
of property. You have seen before this time that the course of policy 
which I commend, myself, to the Slate, is widely different, in many 
essential points, to this author's views. Tlic article written by my- 
self, and published in the same paper, was written a few days after 
the leader was in type, and which has also been the cause of so much 
dissatisfaction, the juslice of which, to some extent I am willing to ac- 
knowledge. I assure you upon the honor of a m:m, it was never in- 
tended to mean, or to bear the construction whicb my enemies havo 
given it. I was pursuing the reflections of mv own mind, without 
thinking of the misconstruction that could be put upon my language. 

Had 1 been in the vigor of health, I should have avoided the objec- 
tionable expressions, for by sharply guarding against the cavils of my 
opponents, I would best guard at the same time against any tiling 
which could be considered of an incendiary character. I cannot sny 
that the pai)er from the beginning, has been conducted in the man- 
ner I could have wished. The cause of this it is not noW necessary 
forme to mention. Satisfied, however from past experience, tliat 
the free discussion of the subject of slavery is liable to many objec- 
tions which I did not anticipate, and which I had allowed in an 
excess of liberality, arising no doubt, from the foct that I had been 
denied the columns of the; other presses of the country myself,! pro. 
pose in future very materially to restrict the latitude of discussion. I 
shalladmit into my i)aper no article upon this .subject, for which I am 
not willing to be hold responsible. This, you perceive, will very 
mu'-h narrow the grofmd: for my plan of emancipation which I put 



25 

forth a tew days ago, is of the most gradual character. My other 
views put forth there also, are such as I icarn arc not at all oli'ensivo 
to the great mass of our people. By this course, I expect to achieve 
two objects, to enable uie to carry on the advocacy of those i)rinci- 
ples and measures which I deem of vital importance to our State 
without mdlestation and without subjecting the people to the appre- 
hensions and exci/emcnt which are now unhappily upon us. You 
may properly .ask, perhaps, why was not this thing done before? 1 reply 
that t did not foresee any such consequences as have resulted from 
a dilferent course. The denunciations of the public press on both 
sides, I conceived, and am still of the same opinion, arose from the 
desire to make both parties political capital. — And you will see also, 
when the excitement is worn off, that there have been many selfish 
pur|)oses sought to be accomplished at the expense of your peace 
and mine by men who are professing to be actuated by nothing but pa- 
triotic motives. 

Having said thus much upon the conduct of my paper, I must say 
also, that my constitutional rights I shall never abandon. I feel as deep- 
ly interested in this community, as any other man in it. No man is, or 
has ci connection, more deeply interested, in the prosperity of this 
State, than myself. You ought not, you cannot, if you are just to 
me as you arc to yourselves, ask me to do that which you would not 
do. I know not in reality, what may be the state of public feeling. 
I am told it is very much inflamed; I, therefore, directed my publisher, 
after the publication of to-morrow's paper, to exclude all matter upon 
the subject of Slavery, until, if my health is restored, I shall be able 
myself to take the helm. 

My office and dwelling arc undefended, except by the laws of my 
country — to the sacred inviolability of which I confide myself and 
^property; and of these laws you are the sole guardians. You Jiave the 
power to do as you please. You will so act, however, I trust, that 
this day shall not be one accursed to our County and State. 

Your obedient servant, C. M. CLAY. 

The Hon: Thomas F. Marshall then addressed the Chair 
as follows : 

Mr. Cpiaikman and Fellow-citizens of Fayette. — The vast 
concourse of men around me, independent of every thing else, gives 
ample proof of some deep and powerful excitement of tlie public 
mind. 

You know, you all know, that this assemblage of the people has 
been convened upon a published notice, to take into consideration the 
safety of this community, and to adopt such measures as may secure 
your peace, and guard from the threatened danger your homes and 
families. I rise not as upon other occasions, to make you a speech. 
I seek not to inflame your passions, and will not hazard by one woid 
of extcmporancou.'^ appeal upon (he subject of this day'.^ action, (hf 



24 

terrible responsibility of piccipitatlng Uiis .jlready excited ussciubfy. 
U is in keeping however with the order, decorum, and dignity, whicii 
have characterised all the previous steps in this great popalarinove- 
nient, and whicli mark the aspect of this crowd, that some one should 
formally explain what has gone before, and state the circumstances 
which have led to this extraordinary call of the people. I can but? 
achieve this object, by reading to you the proceedings of a smaller 
body of citizens, the correspondence opened by them with the Editor 
of the "True American," and their address to ll)e public, and the reso- 
lutions which accompanied it. (Here Mr. Marshall read the docu- 
ments referred to, which will be found above, and then proceeded.) 
It had occurred to several gentlemen who had been active in the pro- 
ceedings of last week, that the transactions of this day would extend, 
probably, in their influence, far beyond this immediate neighborhood. 
That they would become the subject of severe examination and the most 
rigid and scrutinizing censure, throughout the United States. That 
the character of our people, and the good name of our Commonwealth, 
would be involved in the resolutions we adopt, and the temper and 
the mode in which they may be executed. 

Liable as all these may become to misrepresentation, it was 
thought best for youi honor and your interests, and it was hoped, that 
it would not be deemed by you presumptuous, to prepare such a state- 
ment of the facis and the principles upon which your action this day 
is based, as forms in their judgement a complete defence in morals and 
in laws for this great exertion of the original power of society : Such 
a statement, these gentlemen had instructed me to prepare and offer 
for your acceptance, not without the hope, that though imperfect in its 
execution, you may not deem it altogether unworthy (o be sent forth 
to the world, as your declaration of the ground upon whicli you rest 
your justification at the bar of that public opinion, to which commu- 
nities as well as individuals are amenable for their action. As such 
and under their instructions, 1 tender it and beg leave to r-ead it in lieu 
of all other remark or argument. (Here Mr. Marshall read the ad- 
dress and resolutions, which when the question was taken upon them 
at the close of the reading, were adopted without a dissenting voice.) 

The People of the city of Lexington and county of Fayette, togeth- 
er with many hundreds from the adjoining counties, assembled in 
the city of Lexington on the 18th August in pursuance of a general 
notice made by the authority of a body of the citizens of Lexington, 
calling a general assembly of the people, to concert measures for the 
suppression of the farther publication of the ''Abolition paper''^ call- 
ed the "True American," having heard the proceedings, correspon- 
dence, and address of the meeting which ciilled this assembly, approve 
the same, and now make and publish to the world tins declaration, to 
vindicate their resolutions and their action. 

To hi\c prevented the esiablishiiient ol *\uc prciit by hgil mean; 



25 

would have been impossible. There is no regular judicial process by 
which it could have been achieved. To liavc resorted to means like 
the present would have been premature and perhaps indefensible. The 
Liberty of the Press and the freedom of political discussion are es- 
sential elements of our social system. An effort to establish a 
press in Kentucky devoted to the discussion of the question of domes- 
tic slavery and the propriety and practicability of emancipation by law, 
as an individual enterprise, might, in this simple view of the propo- 
sition, have been tolerated by the people, as it is in all probability not 
prohibited by our laws. The precise purpose and principles of the 
Editor of the "True American," and the position he meant to assume 
here in relation to tlie subject, together with the effect he, his princi- 
ples, and his paper were to produce upon our peace and our property, 
were of course at the outset matters of speculation. After an expe- 
riment of some months however, there can be no doubt remaining in 
this community in relation to any of these particulars. 

The institution of slavery existed in a portion of the States of 
this Union before the adoption of the Federal Constitution, by force 
of the municipal constitution of the particular States. The intsitu- 
tion itself is clearly recognized and guaranteed by the articles of the 
Union, and left where it was found, under the exclusive control of 
State governments and laws. In the enumeration of the people 
three-fifths of the slaves are included as the basis of federal repre- 
sentation, and direct taxation upon the several States is subjected to 
the same apportionment. Fugitive slaves must be rendered up upon 
claim of the master, notwithstanding the law of the State into which 
they escape may not recognize the relation. 

The United States shall guaranty 'every State against domestic 
violation upon application of the Legislature or the Executive, and 
shall provide for calling forth the militia to suppress insurrections. 

These are among the securities taken by the slave States in the 
National Constitution; not only that they were not to be disturbed 
but that they were to be protected in this property by the national 
arm and authority. 

A formidable party has arisen within a few years in the United 
States, who seek actively and practically to disturb these guaran- 
tees, to change the constitution in relation lo some of them, and who 
deny its palpable import, or wrest to fearful purposes its powers in 
relation to others. 

They aim at the Abolition of Slavery in America and halt not at 
the means. They are organized, active, united in pursuit of tins 
object, and desperately fanatical. — They have found their way into 
the National Legislature, and already exercise a threatening influence 
there. They command a powerful press in the United States. They 
have among them a burning zeal, commanding talent, and a large 
amount of political influence and monied capital- Thry scout the 
idea of gradual emancipation or colonization. They treat the in^.ti- 
tution as equally opposed to religion, morak and law. — They imni- 
4 



•26 

^ain thatflir nogio slave here is an American born, entitled to the full 
^enelits and blessings of republican freedom, under the Declaration of 
Independence, which freed all of American birth. 'J'hey maintain for 
Jiim ihc right of insurrection and exort him to its excrcisc;, and with 
an infernal subtlety claim, that the power conferred upon Congress to 
-suppress insurrections" gives to that body in which the free States 
have now so overwhelming a preponderance, the right to remove 
the cause by abolishing slavery. That a servile war becomes by 
force of this clause a national aflair, and can be settled upon any 
terms under the national discretion. With this party, we believe, from 
the fullest evidence of which the nature of the case is susceptible, the 
Editor of the "True American" to be connected by sympathy of 
<jpinion, burning and fanatical zeal, and concert of effort. — With his 
speculative opinions wc presume not to interfere; with his practical 
<^xertions, in our midst, to disturb the settled order of our domestic 
life, to inHame to discontent and rebellion our household slaves, we 
have the most direct and incontestible connexion. In proceeding by 
force and without judicial process, to arrest the action of a free citi- 
zen, to interfere in any degree with his private property, and if the 
necessity of the case and the desperation of the man require it, to 
proceed to extremities against Jiis person, we owe it to our own 
fame, and tlje good name of our community, to set forth the facts, 
upon which arises in our justification the highest of all laws, the 
law of self-defence and preservation from great and manifest dan- 
ger and injury. 

Before the editor of the "True American" had established his 
press in Lexington, or made his celebrated visit to the North, he had 
corresponded with the New York Tribune, a leading Abolition paper, 
(n certain letters over his signature some of the leading and most 
dangerous principles of the sect were avowed and defended. The 
Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia — the exclusion of 
the three-fifths of the slave population in the apportionment of 
representation by a change in the constitution, thereby weakening 
still farther the slave States upon the floor of Congress^— the exclusion 
of Texas from tlie Union, \n pursuit of which object he avowed him- 
self ready to. take up arms— the enlisting the whole force of the 
non-slaveholders in Kentucky against slave property, and thus forcing 
a change tn the constitution of the State, were among the means and 
instruments relied upon by him for ctfecting the entire abolition of 
slavery in America. In one of his letters, be anticipates from the 
abolition of slavery in Kentucky and some other of the Western 
States by the means above noticed, and the exclusion of Texas, that 
the slave population will be crowded upon the planting States to 
such an extent, tliat abolition, if not Aoluntarily achieved by law, 
will be forced by a war of colors exterminating one or other of the 
races, in either event, (and the editor seemed to contemplate ei- 
ther witli e(|UKl st;renily) terminating in that universal liberty so 
licrcely souglit. Holding ihese opinions, and after visiting Nortli- 



'■•in ('iti( s ami [)t\\nii leccivod ilifie in full cumiaiiiiioii l.v Un- ul.i.H- 
iloii paiiy. larcsrfod and Haticrfd ami fvastod, liaih-d i/i the stages ol 
liis uiuinphal progresH by discharges of caniu)n, ajui licraldnd in tin 
papers devoted to the cause as the bokirsrt, tlie most intrepid, the niost 
devoted ol" its champions, he returned to his nati\e State, the orfjan 
and the agent of an incendiary sect.to force upon her principles iatal 
lo her domestic repose; at the risk of his own hfe and tlie peace of the 
<'ommunity. In the preparation and establishment of liis office in 
Lexington, Mr. Cassiua M. Clay acted as though he were in an 
enemy's country. — He has employed scientitic engineers in fortifyinir 
against attack, and prepared the means of destroying the lives of 
his fellow citizens, it h said, in mines of gun powder, stands of mus- 
k(!ts, and pieces of eaimon.— The whole course of the man bears 
evidence incontestiblfe that he was entering upon a career tatal to the 
peace of the community of which he was a member. The citizen 
has a right to arm in his own defence, and to protect liis house and 
his person from unlawful assault; but v/hy should a pcacetul citizen 
engaged in a lawful calling, make preparations suited to repel an 
invading army? It is needless to our purpose, to notice the editor's 
ruthless attacks upon individuals, and his threats to torrity resistance 
of his cour.se. We proceed at once to the last number of the 
"True American" and the publications since put fortli by its editor, 
as conclusive evidence of his temper towards tite community, and of 
the character, purpose, and inevitable tendency of the paper In 
this paper of the 12th of August there is a leading article, for 
which, although not from the pen of the editor, the print is responsible 
to the public, and which at all events is evidence of the purpose of 
the print and the character and objects of those who support it. We 
make fr^om this article a few extracts of the most ominous character. 
The fundamental proposition with this writer is as follows : "Our 
Legislatures, State and General, should raise the plutform upon 
which our free colored people stand. They should give to them 
fall political rights to hold office, to vote, to set on juries, to give 
their testimony,and to make no distinction between them an.! our.?elves. 
After tracing the delightful effects of thin equality, the article pro- 
ceeds: ''Our national character, our best consciences, our duty, all 
weigh nothing in the scales of slavery, against the pride and scljish- 
ness of the master. The instrument called the Constitution, after 
prcnouncing all men rqual and harlng equal right.f, sitjfer.i .slaceri/ 
to exiKt, a free colored per.'^on to be denied all politu-al rights, and 
allier declaring that nil free per.fons .'thali enjoy a free iitlen-nursr 
u-ith tiu; Statesy .wjfers the free negro to be driven out of all and 
excluded from, sueh rights. Delher me from an Instrument thus- 
partial, thus unjuxt, that can be thu.'i perrerltd and wade to .\aiictlon 
prejudicea and parti/ feeling-'^, and note the aceldentaJ distinction oj 
color."' We think nothing from the North can beat tlii.-. The Wfs- 
tcrn lipostle transcends, if possible, his mission. But again U'^ to 
the necessity of our being civil and siibniissive lo our iVieiuls, the 
abcditionists, and the daiii^er ol' restiveness on mir pari: 



28 

'•The slaveholders must calm themselves into just thinkers, and 
cease to provoke the Northern free States by putting them at 
defiance in Congress and out of it. 

"They must look upon abolitionists as enthusiasts if thoy will, but 
also as in earnest, and in design at least as real patriots. The Aboli- 
tionist is becoming as reckless as the slaveholder when thus provo- 
ked, and may add violence and injustice to his course, that was 
intended to be mild and conciliatory.'''' Very rational and prudent 
advice. — Submit quietly or the matter will be forced upon you. But 
we quote farther the following pregnant sentences: "It is in vain for 
the master to try to fence his dear slaves in from all intercourse with 
the great world, to create his little petty and tyrannical kingdom on 
his own plantation, and keep it for his exclusive reign. He cannot 
shut out the light of information any more than the light of heaven. 
It will penetrate all disguises, and shine upon the dark night of 
slavery. He must recollect that he is surrounded. The North, the 
East, the West and the South border on him, the free Mexican, the 
free Yankee, the more than free Abolitionists of his own country. 
Every thing trenches upon his infected district, and the Wolf looks 
calmly in upon his fold.'''' We were mad not to listen to warnings like 
these. We have quoted these passages to prove the thorough iden- 
tity between the doctrines and objects of this paper, and the worst 
principles of the ultra Abolitionists of the North. Here is the asser- 
tion of the equality of the African race under the constitution, and 
the repudiation of the practical working of the instrument: "De- 
liver me from an instrument thus partial, thus unjust that can 

be thus perverted."" — Here too is the threat to the master of the 
consequences of the light and information, ^'that the more than free 
Abolitionist'''' of his country is pouring upon the iiegro mind. 

When we contemplate the mild form of negro slavery in this 
district; the happy and peaceful, and contented relations of the master 
and the slave, where such a thing as cruelty was scarcely known, 
where the master was without fear or distrust, and the well fed, well 
clothed, intelligent slave bent to his lot of labor, the lot by the way of 
all mankind, without repining, regarding his master rather in the light 
of parent, and himself as a necessary and no mean portion of the fami- 
ly, we could pour curses on the fiends who would break up the 
intimate, and not the least endearing relation of domestic life, and 
when all was peace and mildness, plant discord and fury, and ficrv 
hate, and render cruelty a necessary policy on the one side by incul- 
cating disobedience as a principle on the other. But we must hasten 
with our proof In the same day's paper, an editorial appeared* 
backing the reasoning of (he article to which we have referred, and 
by a brief recapitulation cf violated law, a trampled constitution, the 
triumph of brute force over moral right, the falsification of the great 
principles of the revolution, all ilhuUratcd by "slavery the moat un- 
mitigated, the lowest, basest that the world has seen;" and windisjg up 
with the following extraordinary threat : "When the great hoartrd 



29 

ot' our land weep, an<l die nian of rollrction inacUlcns in the contem- 
plation of our national apostacy; tlicre an* men pursuing gain and 
pleasure, who smile with contempt and inditlcrenco at their appeals. 
'■^Btit rememhiT you who dwell in marble palaces — that there arc 
strong arms andjiery hearts, and iron pikes in the streets, and panen 
of glass only Ifrtwecn them and the silver plate on the hoard, and the 
smooth skinned woman on the Ottoman. When you have mocked at 
virtue, denied the agency of Cod in the aftairs of men, and made 
rapine your honied faith; trenihle, for the day of retribution is at hand — 
and the masses will be avenged." Here is more light and knowledge 
thrown upon the negro's mind, and horrible fires kindled in his 
already "fiery heart'" by the hand of the daring incendiary, the auda- 
cious emissary of the "more than free Abolitionist.'" Roused and 
alarmed by these atrocities, and determined no longer to endure the 
presence of an armed Aboltionist, hurling his fire brands of murder and 
of lust into the bosom of a peaceful and polished city, anumber of the 
citizens of Lexington undertook the task of remonstrance. To a 
mild — a wonderfully mild request — to discontinue the paper, the 
haughty and infatuated fanatic responded in terms of outrage, unpar- 
alleled, to the committee of gentlemen who waited on him, denying 
the right of the citizens to consult together on such a subject, and 
■denouncing the meeting which had opened a correspondence with 
him, as a cowardly conclave, of pirates, robbers, and assassins, and 
assigning as the ground of their excitement, the apprehension, 
that their power was about to be taken away from them. The Editor 
himself has published this correspondence appended to a hand 
bill, which appeared before the call of this meeting of the people, 
and before his answer was laid before the first meeting referred 
to. The whole together, proves either that C. M. Clay is a madman, 
or that he meditate<l, and has prepared himself for a civil war, in 
which he expected the non-slaveholding laborers along with the 
slaves, to flock to his standard, and the war of abolition to begin in 
Kentucky. That we may not be suspected of that extravagance 
which we charge on him, we quote from his letter the closing sen- 
tence. "Go tell your secret conclave of cowardly assassins, that C. 
M. Clay knows his rights and how to defend them." To this he 
appends an appeal addressed to the Kentuckians. That we may not 
be suspected of garbling, we insert this extraordinary summons: 

"Kentuckians: — You sec this attempt of these Tyrants, worse 
than the thirty despots who lorded it over the once free Athens, now 
to enslave you. Men who regard laws— men who regard all their 
liberties as not to be sacrificed to a snigle pecuniary interest, to say 
the least of doubtful value — lovers of justice — enemies of blood — 
laborers of all classes — you for whom I have sacrificed so vwch, 
where will you be found when this battle between Liberty and Sla- 
very is to be fought? I cannot, I will not, I dare not question on 
which side you will be found. — If you stand by me like men, our 
country shall yet be free; but if you falter now. T perish with less re- 



fjrctwhcul roiiioiiilier that the peoplf^ of my native statr". ol' whom 
I have bcori so proud', and wlionn I have hived so much, are alreadv 
slaves. ('. M. CLAY.*' 

That this iniatiiated man helicvotr that tiie non-slaveholders of Ken- 
tucky would leel' andact as a parly against the tenure of slavery, and 
thai through them he expected to chantje the Constitution of Ken- 
tucky, and Ihially overthrow the institution, is evident from- one of 
his letters to the Trihune. — Tliat lie should have calculated on kin- 
dling the flames of civil and servile war, and rallying free kborevs 
and negro slaves under his staiidard, would seem incredible^ yet his 
acts and his words can bear no other construction: "laborers oi 
all classes — you for whom I have sacriliccd so much, where will you 
be found when this battle between Liberty and Slavery is to be fou<^ht? 
[f you stand by me ulvc men-, oijr Country sliallyet be fpeo^but if you- 
falter I perish, »!v:-c." 

Such a man and sueh a course is no longer tolerable or consistent 
with the character or safety of this community. With the power of a 
press, with education, fortuiw}, talent sustained by a powerful party, 
at least abroad, who have made this bold experiment in Kentucky 
ttirough him, the negroes might W'eily as we have strong reason to be- 
lieve they do. look to liim^ as a deliverer. — On the Frontier of Slave- 
ry, with three free States fronting and touching us along a border of 
seven hundred miles, we are peculiarly exposed to the assaults of Ab-- 
olition. — The plunder of our projierty. the kidnapping, stealing and ab- 
duction of our slaves, is alight evil in comparison with planting a 
seminary of their infernal doctrines* in tlie very lioart of our densest 
.slave population. — Communities may \>c endangered as well as sin-- 
gle individuals. A great and impewiiitg danger over the life or per- 
.sonal safety of a single rnan, justifies the employment of his own force 
immediately in his own defence, and to any extent that may be nc-^ 
C'ssary to his protection. He whose aim it is, or the inevitable ten- 
dency of whose conduct is to bring about in.testi)ie cowvulsions and 
servile war, threatens to inflict upon society tlie greatest horror it 
t-an endure. Our laws may punish when the oflence .yhall have been 
consummated; but they have provided no remedial process by which 
it can be prevented. To war with an Organ of Abolition by action or 
indictment for libel, would make that powerful party smile. To injoin 
the publication of tiie "True American'' would only change its name. 
A perpetual injuncllon against the publication of any paper what- 
ever by Mr. C. M. Clay, were beyond tht; pfjwer of the chancellor. 
The danger continues. An Abolition paper in a slave State is a nui- 
sance of the most formidable character — a public nuisance — not a 
mere inconvenience, whicl) may occasion delav iii business or prove 
hurtful to health or comfort; but a blazing brand ui tlio hand of an in- 
«(.ndiary or nndman, which may .scatter ruin, conflagration, revolu- 
tion, crime unnameable, over every thing dear in domestic life, sacred 
in religion, or respectable in modesty. Who shall say that the .safety 
of a single individual is more im])ortant in the eye of the law than that 
of a whole people' Who shall say tiiaf when the case of (!:ii\ger — real 



31 

danger, <>f great and irrc'iKirablc injury lo a wliold coinmuniiv n.-ndv 
•occurs — that it is nut armed legally with tlic right ol" sell' dcltiice? 
In cither case the circumstances must hv left to tlie judgment of the 
\vorld, or the decisions of justice. An unauthorizc(i crowd who in- 
flict death upon persons or destruction upon projxnly, lor the gratili- 
x,-afion of passion or even for the punishment ol" crime, is a mob; and 
is the most fatal enemy to security and to ireedom — But as in case 
•of sudden invasion, or insurrection itself, the people have at once, in- 
dependent of the magistrates, tlic^ right of defence, so wJien there 
be a well grounded apprehension of great, and, it may be, irreparable 
injury, the \ise of force in the community is lawful and safe. AVo 
hold the Abolitionists traitors to the Constitution of the couiitrv, and 
enemies to the terms upon whicli the Union was originally formed, 
and the only temis upon which it can continue to suljsisl. W'hoji 
they bring their doctrines and their principles into the bosom of a slave 
State, they bring fire into a magazine. — The "True American*' is 
an Abolition paper of tlic worst stamp! As such, tlie peace and safe- 
ty of this community demand its instant and entire suppression. 

In some countries, Mr. Clay might have dreaded summary pojju- 
lar vengeance on his person, or secret murder. He is among a peo- 
ple who abhor mobs, who know no Lynch law, and where assassmation 
is unheard of. He has pressed the patience of his countrvmen to its 
utmost capacity of suftcrance — they can bear no more, without be- 
ing traitors to all the trusts reposed in brave and patriot men. Thouo-Ii 
he has bearded and defied them — attacked the tenure of their propertv, 
and outraged decency by the terms in which he has characlerized 
them, they are too conscious of their strength to chalc at insult. 
Thef thirst not for his blood, and they would not injure his proper- 
ty, lie is a trespasser npon them, they have requested him mildly to 
desist. He is contumacious, and they will remove him by force. 
M. Clay has complained in his recent handbills of his indisposition, 
and charged the people as deficient in courage and niagiianimilv iir 
moving upon him when he is incapable of defence. Ifalltiiatbe 
said of hin», his purpose, and his means, be true, his indisposition is 
fortunate. He may rest assured that tliey will not be deterred by one 
nor 10,000 such men as he. He cannot bully his couiitrymen. A 
Kentuckian himself he should have known Kcntuckians better. His 
weakness is his security. We are armed and resolved — if resist- 
ance be attempted, the consequence be on his own head. For our 
vindication under the circumstances, wc appeal to Kentucky and to 
the world. 

It is therefore Rc^olocd by this assembly : — 

1st. That no Abolition Press ought to be tolerated in Kentucky, 
and none shall be in this City or its vicinity. 

'2d. That if the office of the "True American'' be surrend'ircd 
peaceably, no injury shall be done to the building or other property. — 
The presses and printing apparatus shall be. carcfiilly pack'-d up ajid 
i-rin out of the ^Uy\r, tubjccf th'i! to Mr. C. M. ClavV otder. 



32 

•Jd. That if resistance lie ofiercd. \vc will force llie office at alt 
hazards, nnd destroj' the nuisance. 

4th. That if an attempt be made to revive the Paper here, we will 
again assemble. 

5th. That we hope C. M. Clay will be advised. For by our regard 
to our wives, our children, our homes, our property, our country, our 
honor, wear what name he may, be connected with whom he may, 
whatever arm or party here or elsewhere may sustain him, he shall not 
publish an Abolition Paper here, and this we affirm at the risk, be it 
of his blood, or our own, or both; or of all he rnay bring, of bond or 
free, to aid his murderous hand. 

6th. That the Chairman be, and he is hereby authorized to 
appoint a committee of sixty of our body who shall be authorized to 
repair to the office of the "True American," take possession of the 
press and printing apparatus, pack up the same, and place it at the rail 
road office for transportation to Cincinnati, and report forthwith to this 
body. 

The following is the Committee: — George W.Johnson, ch'm.,Jas. 
P. Megowan, Joseph Beard, Benj. Robinson, Moses Morrison, Rich- 
ard Higgins, Henry H. Timberlake, Thos. C. Orear, Jesse Bayles, 
Hiram Shaw, Josiah Ennis, John J. Dudley, Wm. B. Kinkead, James 

B. Waller, George W. Norton, Franklin Tilford, G. L. Postlethwaite, 
William Elder, Nathan Payne, Dr. J. T. Lewis, Patterson Bain, Fran- 
cis McLcar, David Glass, Nevil Blakemore, James H. Allen, John 
McCauley, George W. Stewart, Thos, H. Shelby, Thomas Hughes, 
Thos. S. Redd, Mucy Tiiwails, Henry Long, Richard Allen, Jas. 
C;)rtcr, Alexander Moore, John Anderson. Thomas Bradley. Benj. 

C. Wood, Dr. J. C. Darby, Alexander Morojand, James B. Clay, 
William Cooper, S, P. Kenney, John H. Cooper, Tliomas Carr, 
William R. McKee, Garrett Walts, Richard Spurr, Edward Oldham, 
John R. Dunlap, John D. McDowell, Benjamin Downs, John 
Overton, Robert B. Hamilton, Richard Overton, Dr. J. Bush, Col. 
Alexandf^r Morgan, JNclson Dudley, Wilson Hunt, John Gilbert, and 
Francis Hoftetter. 

The meeting tiien adjourned to meet at 2 o'clock, p. m., to receive 
the report of the Committee appointed under the 6th resolution. 

According to adjournment, the citizens met at 2 o'alock, p, m. 

James B. Clay, Esq., in behalf of the Committee t.>f sixty, made 
the following report, which was unanimously adopted: 

The Committee appointed by the meeting to take down and pack 
up the press, type, 6cc., of the ''True American" printing office, beg 
leave respectfully to report to the meeting, 

That, in pursuance of the diveclion of tht; meeting, they proceeded at 
once to the otficc of that paper, the key of which, on arriving at the 
door, was given up to the Chairman, by Mr. Dowden, City Marsha/. 
The Mayor of »jic city was at the dour, imd ga'^e notice that the Com- 



33 

niittee was acting in opposition to law, but that the city authorities- 
could offer no forcible resistance to them. 

The Committee, on answrering severally to their names, were then 
admitted into the office, and the doors were closed after them. The 
Committee being called to order by Mr. Johnson, its Chairman, on mo. 
tion of Josiah Ennis, J. B. Clay waa appointed, unanimously, to act 
as Secretary. 

On motion of Maj. W. R. McKce, it was then 
Resolved. That the Committee hold itself responsible for any thing 
which might be lost or destroyed, whilst the Commnttee were perform- 
ing the duty assigned to them. 
On motion of R. Higgins, 

Resolved, That James Virden and Joseph Scrguham, be appointed 
to take down the press, and Messrs. Cunningham and Hervey to put 
up the type, and that Messrs, Ennis. Barlow, Jouitt, Beard, Stewart, 
Robinson, Megowan, Oldham and Marsh, to assist them. 
On motion of F. Tilford, 

Resolved, That the Secretary take a list of the property as packed 
up. 

The Secretary containing the private papers of the Editor of the 
"True American," by unanimous resolution, was sent to his house. 

The Committee not being able to accomplish the duty assigned by 
2 o"'clock. the hour to which the nieeting had adjourned, Messrs. R. 
Higgins, T. S. Redd, Macy Thwaits, Dr. Darby, B. Robinson, and 
J. B. Clay were deputed to report progress to the meeting. After 
which, all the type, presses, and other articles belonging to the office, 
were sent to the Rail Road office, to be shipped beyond the limits of the 
State, to the order of C. M. Clay. 

GEO. W. JOHNSON, Ch'mn. 
J. B. CLAY, Sec'y. 

The meeting was then addressed by Gov. Thomas Metcalfe, who 
read a letter which he designed for publication, in reference to slave- 
ry. 

On motion of Capt. Henry Johnson, it was unanimously 
Resolved, That Gov. Metcalfe, be requested to publish the letter 
above referred to, or such portions of it as he may deem advisablei 

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the 
papers of the city. The meeting then adjourned. 

WALLER BULLOCK, Chmn. 
Ren.1. Gratz, Sec'y, 

Lexington, August Ifth, 1845. 
C. M. Clay, Esq. : Sir — We have been directed by tbe Commit- 
tee of the meeting held on yesterday, at the Court House, as if? 
officers, to inform you that the press, type, &c., of the "True Ameri- 
can" paper, have been carefully put up, and shipped by Rail Road lo 
Cincinnati, to the cars of Messrs. January &. Taylor, subject to your 



34 

©rder; and that the charges and expenses upon them have been paid 
With proper respect, we have the honor to be, Slc. 

GEO. W. JOHNSON, Ch'm. 
:f. B. Clay, Sec'y. 



Upon the proceedings as given above, we have but few comments to make. 
The list of gentlemen whom Mr Megowan notified to attend at 3 o'clock of 
the I4th of August, contained about an equal number of Whigs and Demo- 
crats. The resolution adopted by that meeting appointing a committee to 
correspond with Mr Clay, wasdrilwn and offered by Mr Marshall. The pre- 
liminary remarks of that gentleman upon offering the address, have been ac- 
curately reported by himself, and were not taken down by the Secretary, and 
consequently did not appear in the Report published in the Observer & Re- 
porter. The whole aifair, from the first small assembly in the Court-House 
on the I4th of August, viewed as one entire transaction (and in that light it 
ought to be considered) must be held by all candid men to reflect lasting ho- 
nor upon the character and temper of a people, when such a transaction 
could be thus conducted . Upon the face of the record there is no appearance 
of party. Faction for the time seemed ended. It presents the appearance 
of a united people, roused by the sense of a common danger, exempt utter- 
ly from the rash precipitancy which is equally the characteristic of rage and 
fear, putting forth their calm and majestic strength as free from passion as 
from cowardice, to arrest at once and in advance of legislation, the steps 
by which Abolition seeks to force the terrible issue it has made with the 
Slave States. 

The effort of the Editor of the Observer & Reporter, in his paper of the 
20th of August, to make political capital out of this, and to charge some 
of the earlier movers with a design to involve him and his office in a like fate 
with that of C M. Clay, on account of his known devotion to the Whig 
cause, and his threat to summon the Whig party to his support, is contempt- 
ible beyond expression. 

The attack upon Mr Marshall by the Louisville Journal, for the Author- 
ship of the Lexington Address, is of a piece with the Observer and Reporter 
article. Mr Marshall is stigmatized by that print as an unscrupulous and 
unprincipled renegade, burning for revenge on account of his recent defeat 
for Congress, and charged with foisting this address upon the Whig party as 
a. libel upon themselves. It is a poor compliment which the Louisville Jour- 
nal pays the Whig paity, and one which will certainly be disavowed by the 
larger portion of it in Kentucky, when he trosats that address as an attack 
upon them. It rannot be so considered, unlesu that party mean to involve 
themselves with the principles and purposes of the Abolitionists; with which 
indeed, the Editor of the Journal seems to hold a marked sympathy. 

The effort of Mr Prentice to direct anew the prejudice and the rage of Mr 
Marshall's former friends against him on account of the manner in which he 
has demeaned himself in the late transactions in Lexington, will most piob- 



35 

ably recoil upon the Editor himself . The course of these two prints, in re- 
lation to this affair, demonstrates one thing pretty clearly — That they are 
equally vexed and surprised at the commencement, courso and termination 
of the whole matter. C. M. Clay himself evidently considered this, in the 
first instance, a partial movement, got up by the Democratic party. This 
idea is apparent upon the face of his first handbill. Such men as Mike Wick- 
lilTe and George D. Prentice would have delighted to have given the thing a 
party turn. It would have been quite delightful to have been enabled to 
charge it as a Locofoco movement, got up by the 'Apostate' and his friends 
for the accomplishment of their own selfish purposes. Such men could ne- 
ver have hoped to have engaged the great body of the Whig party in this 
City or County, to have defended Mr C. M. Clay as an Abolitionist, and 
they did not so calculate; but could they have once induced the belief that 
this was a Locofoco Party movement, for the purpose of making political 
capital against the Whigs, they hoped to have raised the cry of "mob and 
Locofocoism" with success, and summons the Clay party, not to support an 
Abolition party, at least not avowedly, but to maintain the peace of socie- 
ty, the majesty of the laws, and to curb the Democrats. There were symp- 
toms in various quarters, of this temper. They were all overborne, how- 
ever, by the prompt action and stern decision of the People. Had all Whio-s 
been like Mike WicklifTe and George D. Prentice, their plan might have 
■worked like a charm. The men, however, who set this matter on foot, were 
more of Patriots, and less of Fools, than to attempt to enlist faction in such 
a case as this, and to add the stings of political bitterness and party reproach- 
es to the dangers of servile insurrection. 

The statement in the Louisville Journal, that the Committee of 60 were 
met at the 'True American' office with the pledge, that if they would not 
enter the office or disturb the piess, there should not be another paper issued 
is utterly false. No such thing occurred. No such proposition was made 
by or for Mr Clay at any time. 

THOS. H. WATERS, 
H. LOCKHART, 
THOS B. MEGOWAN, 
JAMES L. HICKMAN, 
THOMAS F. MARSHALL. 
Lexington, August 25th, 1845, 



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